Author: trud Date: 16.04.2015
Love Of Country Essay Of Jose Rizal
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The problem of understanding correctly the term “Americanism” and its origin and cultural impact.Essay Questions:
What is the “American Dream” for the people all around the world? How does the term “Americanism” reflect the attitude towards the whole American nation? How has “Americanism” inspired people?Thesis Statement:
America has become all of these for many people, who believe they are living out the American dream but the truth is that people all over the world dream about the same thing and therefore the appearance of the term “Americanism” is not a surprise for anybody.
Introduction: America has always been the “New World” for millions of people who had a Dream. Their dream was not something exceptional but only to have a good life: to have enough expenses to survive, to have a house where children could be raised and what is more important to feel free and protected. America has become all of these for many people, who believe they are living out the American dream but the truth is that people all over the world dream about the same thing and therefore the appearance of the term “Americanism” is not a surprise for anybody.
The existence of the term “Americanism” reflects the special attitude towards the position of the United States of America in the world. What it means is that people see America as the ideal they are striving for and consider American values to be model-values. It also goes without saying that “Americanism” was born as the desire to be like “the strongest country in the world”. Though some Americans underestimate the influence of their lifestyle on the rest of the world, they cannot neglect that fact that they give the direction for the lifestyle of people from at least the neighbor countries
Americanism is not just a word taken from the American-English slang. It is the evidence of the exceptionality of the American nation. American with its populations knows that its lifestyle is qualitatively different from other countries. This qualitative difference contains a lot of factors inside: the history of the United States of America, the credo of the nation, the political and economic structures and many others. Americanism can be seen when people try to copy the way the Americans speak, walk, dress, love and think. As each American is considered to be an honorary guest in any country and welcomed everywhere, people belonging to other nations dream about having the same possibilities and having an easier life compared to the one they have. Nevertheless, people do not understand that the life of American people is not easy and they sometimes do suffer a lot. The aura that has been constructed around the success of Americans as a nation has converted “Americanism” in a cult and has given the direction for the development of many countries all over the world. The personal freedom that is one of the key characteristics of “Americanism” has already inspired many people to rearrange their life in an American way or even try to emigrate to the United States of America.
Conclusion: “Americanism” is a notion that explains why people outside the borders of North America tend to emphasize the opportunities that the American way of life gives and the substitution of any other dreams by the American dream. So many things have been said about “Americanism” and therefore about the American dream; so many people have struggled against themselves to prove that it does not only exist but can also be achieved. So many people worked hard and devoted their lives to “Americanism”. America truly is a great country but it is very important to remember that its citizens do not live in a dream but try hard everyday to make it come true if not for them, so for their children and sometimes suffer a lot before it happens.
José Martí 1853-1895
(Full name José Julián Martí y Pérez) Cuban journalist, essayist, orator, poet, and novelist.
Although many people may readily associate Cuban politics with Fidel Castro, many Cubans, if asked to name the most prominent figure of their political history, might think just as quickly of José Martí. Dedicated to defending his country's freedom from Spanish rule, Martí wrote extensively in many genres and on many topics from his teenage years until his death during Cuba's Second War for Independence in 1895. His lifelong dedication to Cuban liberation has made him an almost mythical figure in that country, and has earned him a reputation as a great defender of human rights throughout the Americas.
José Julián Martí y Pérez was born on January 28, 1853, in Havana, during an important juncture in Cuban history. Situated just off the coast of Florida, Cuba had been under Spanish rule for many centuries; at a time when the once powerful but now-faded Spanish Empire was releasing many of its other colonies, it still retained Cuba, mainly for its lucrative sugar cane plantations. How Cubans felt about that relationship varied considerably by class: the wealthy, largely Spanish-born ruling class welcomed Spanish rule, since the European nation protected their power. An emerging, Cuban-born middle class—Cuba's principal landowners and professionals—however, was often more divided, as many merchants sensed that their wealth would escalate if they could begin trading with the United States and other nations. The sugar cane plantations they owned, however, depended on the labor of a large population of slaves originally brought from Africa. The Spanish military presence promised continuing prosperity of the plantations by suppressing slave revolts. This enslaved population was in many ways the starting point for revolutionary sentiment in Cuba, often drawing sympathy members of the middle class.
Martí entered this society at a crux in its many different populations. His parents were both from Spain, but were not members of the ruling class: his father, an enlisted soldier, had become a policeman in Havana and supported his family on relatively modest means. At an early age, Martí began a formal and informal education that inculcated a revolutionary frame of mind. At the age of nine, he saw how slaves were treated on plantations and felt a deep horror at the abuse and injustice. Moreover, the school that he began attending in 1865, the Colegio de San Pablo of the Municipal School for Boys, operated under the guidance of Rafael Maria de Mendive, a journalist and poet involved in revolutionary organizing. When the ten-year First War for Independence began in 1868 with the Grito de Yara, or Cry of the Youth, Martí celebrated the revolutionaries in epic verse; the poem, "Abdala," appeared in a paper published by his headmaster. By the time Cuban authorities discovered a seditious letter bearing his name and the name of a classmate, the evidence against him easily substantiated a charge of treason. After a period of imprisonment and hard labor in Havana, Martí began the exile that would pursue him throughout his life.
Deported to Spain in 1871, Martí studied at several universities, earning a law degree and a doctorate in philosophy and humanities in just a few years. He also continued his political activities, publishing his first major political treatise, El Presidio Político en Cuba, in 1871, and La República Española ante la Revolución Cubana in 1873. That same year he left Spain, traveling first to Paris and then making his way back to the Americas by 1875. He settled in Mexico, where he began writing for the journal Revista Universal, which would become a major venue for his essays. After several years in Mexico, Martí attempted to return to Havana under his second names, Julián Pérez. He soon found himself back in central America, this time taking a teaching post at a university in Guatemala. By the end of 1877 he moved again briefly to Mexico, where he married Carmen Zayas Bazán, and returned to Guatemala the following January. There he remained until political disagreements led him to resign his teaching post.
Changes in the political regime in Cuba gave Martí hope that he could return home. In September of 1878, he tried to live in Havana under his primary name, but a revolutionary faction, deeming that the changes in the Cuban government had not gone far enough, instigated "La Guerra Chiquita" (The Little War) in August of 1879. Martí was a natural target for the government's retaliation, and so he found himself deported to Spain again. There, however, he managed to escape from prison, making his way to New York City by way of Paris. Even from this distance, Martí remained integral to the Cuban revolutionary effort, serving on the committee that oversaw the progress of La Guerra Chiquita. When the uprising ended in defeat in 1880, Martí lost no time in beginning to plan a new military effort. Maintaining New York City as his base, he traveled throughout the United States and Latin America for the next fifteen years, fundraising and organizing. It was also during this time that he solidified his career as a writer, becoming a regular contributor to major Latin American and United States newspapers. He also continued his work as an editor, managing Patria, the main journal of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, and founding a journal for Latin American youth called La Edad de Oro, or The Golden Age.
By the early 1890s Martí's political work began to yield results: the time seemed ripe for a new uprising in Cuba. Elected as a delegate to the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, Martí stepped up the pace of his organizing and fundraising, traveling back and forth across the country to make certain the strength was there for a victory. The Second War for Independence began on February 24, 1895; Martí landed in Cuba on April 11 and was inducted into the army as a Major-General. A little more than a month later, on May 19, he died in battle.
Although he published creative work in many different genres during his lifetime, Martí was best known as a writer for the treatises and essays he wrote that directly promoted his political beliefs. Martí's earliest piece of political writing marked his arrival in Spain when his exile from Cuba began: El Presidio Político en Cuba described his experiences as a political prisoner under the Spanish authorities in Cuba. Events in Cuba over the next several years motivated his next major work, La República Española ùnte la Revolución Cubana, which reflected the disappointment he and many Cubans felt when a new Spanish republic failed to relax its grip on Cuba. Several decades later, Martí served as the primary, if not sole, author of the political platforms of the Cuban Revolutionary Party. Resoluciones adoptadas por la emigración cubana de Tampa (1891) was the most comprehensive of these, coupling Martí's revolutionary principles with a formal plan for the structure of the party. The second part of these appeared in a new form a year later as Bases y Estatutos Secratos del Partido Revolucionario Cubano (1892). Finally, just as the military strike against Spanish rule began, Martí penned a last distillation of his political thought in the Manifesto of Montecristi (1895).
Between the earliest and latest works of his writing career, Marti became a prolific journalist, the profession with which he supported himself while living in the United States. Of the hundreds of articles he wrote, many addressed similar themes and were easily gathered in anthologies under comprehensive titles. The two most reprinted and discussed of these series were entitled North American Scenes (1880-1895) and North American Personalities (1880-1895). Both brought the politics and culture of the United States to a large Latin American readership. While Scenes focused largely on social and political themes, Personalities provided portraits of important American men, including his highly acclaimed pieces on Walt Whitman, Mark Twain, and Ralph Waldo Emerson. In all of these writings Martí offered a mixed review of the United States, applauding the function of democracy while decrying the effects of materialism. His criticisms, however, had to be understated, even in Latin American papers. Of his extensive writings on Latin America the most celebrated has been "Our America," written in the late 1880s and published in a Spanish-language newspaper in New York in 1891. Here Martí called for cross-class resistence to the imperialism embodied by Spanish rule and that threatened the United States. Consequently, the work also included his vision on unifying Cubans from many different backgrounds for a common cause.
Martí's first published poem, "Abdala," was also a political piece that paid homage to Cuban revolutionaries. He became known as a poet, however, primarily for three volumes. The first, entitled Ismaelillo, published in 1882, established Martí's reputation as a poet. Dedicating the writings to his son, from whom he was separated at the time, Martí's voice blends his own past hardships, and those of his nation, with a suggestion of the potential for the future, embodied in his son and revolution. When Versos sencillos appeared in 1891, readers encountered a new voice, one that lingered less on the pain of existence and reached instead for some harmony and balance in life. Versos libros, composed in 1882, did not appear in print until 1919. He also had some success with a dramatic work, Amor con Amor se Paga, staged in Mexico City when he first lived there. Only one piece of prose fiction has been identified as his: the novel Amistad funesta, which appeared under the pseudonym Adelaida Real in 1885.
As soon as Martí began his travels as an exile from Cuba, he began using the free press as a medium for conveying his political and cultural message. By the 1880s, his essays on politics and culture reached—through the newspapers—broad audiences throughout the Americas. Wanting the ideas to be available to readers from many different backgrounds, he made these writings accessible statements of his analyses and his visions for political change. The audiences that his articles and pamphlets reached, even in Spain, usually found themselves swayed by his words.
Although many tributes followed his death, popular studies of Martí did not emerge until the 1930s. In the following decades, his reputation as the "father of Cuba" grew, until its character drastically changed with the onset of the revolution in 1959. Throughout the century, however, interpretations of Martí's work have produced an array of different conclusions, sometimes diametrically opposed, depending on the political perspective of the writer. The earliest and most cohesive incarnation of these interpretations was the idealization of Martí as a Christ-like martyr of Cuban liberation, possibly summed up in Félix Lizaso's Martí, Mystic of Duty and Jorge Mañach's Martí: Apostle of Freedom, which gave rise to the popular reference to Martí as "the Apostle." In these studies and other, somewhat less deifying works, the focus remained on Martí's life, commemorating the man through his deeds and often suggesting a model of virtue for others to emulate. Summing up these works, which he dubs "traditionalist" Martí studies, critic John Kirk remarks in his book that "the vast majority of studies. agreed in presenting an apolitical, uncontroversial, and neutral image of the Apóstol." In the reverential distance integral to such biographies, in-depth analysis of his political and social ideas found no space.
That changed in the late 1950s when Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro claimed Martí as the figure of the new liberation he envisioned. With Castro's claim, Martí's politics became contested terrain in the struggle between opposing viewpoints in Cuban politics. A precedent did exist for this struggle in a minority of earlier works: while a small faction portrayed him as a social and economic radical, the other, larger faction downplayed his more extreme beliefs in order to depict him as a moderate supporter of the status quo. Naturally, as Martí's politics became the focus in the late 1950s, these two positions came to characterize the debate. Castro's revolutionary party claimed Martí as the visionary of their social and economic plans and the classes that fled Cuba used him to argue that Cuba should be an independent but capitalist nation with strong ties to the United States. The debate advanced Martí's reputation in Cuba and beyond. In his homeland he became standard reading for the masses: when the government instituted the "Year of Education" in 1961, which greatly improved the literacy rate in Cuba, Martí's writings became standard texts for study.
More recent studies, in both Cuba and the United States, have achieved greater objectivity by concerning themselves more concretely with close studies of Martí's writings, both essays and creative works. American literary critics had discussed Martí as early as the mid-twentieth century—despite the lack of scholarship and translations in English—for his appreciative writings on North American men of letters, including Mark Twain and Walt Whitman. Consequently, both literary critics and historians in the United States have contributed to the growth in Martí studies. Overall, this work has gone a long way toward dispelling either past oversimplifications of his thought or assetions that his ideas were fundamentally chaotic and contradictory, albeit brilliant and eloquent. With careful attention to detail, these studies have succeeded at discerning an overall coherence in Martí's complexity. By the late twentieth century, the several thousand studies of Martí available in both Spanish and English move towards a more comprehensive and three-dimensional appreciation of this writer and thinker.
Anti-American mural in Tehran. Iran. 2004
The term Anti-Americanism. or Anti-American Sentiment. refers to broad opposition or hostility to the people. policies, culture or government of the United States. [ 1 ] [ 2 ] [ 3 ] A broad range of attitudes and actions critical of or opposed to the United States have been labeled anti-Americanism, and precise meaning and applicability of the term to specific cases is often disputed. [ 4 ]
Political scientist Brendan O'Connor suggests that Anti-Americanism cannot be isolated as a consistent phenomenon and that the term originated as a rough composite of stereotypes. prejudices and criticisms towards Americans or the United States, evolving to more politically and economically based criticism. French scholar Marie-France Toinet says use of the term "is only fully justified if it implies systematic opposition - a sort of allergic reaction - to America as a whole." [ 5 ]
Discussions on anti-Americanism have in most cases lacked a precise definition of what the sentiment entails (other than a general disfavor), which has led to the term being used broadly and in an impressionistic manner, resulting in the inexact impressions of the many expressions described as anti-American. [ 6 ]Contents Etymology
In the first edition of Noah Webster 's American Dictionary of the English Language (1828) the word 'anti-American' was defined as "opposed to America, or to the true interests or government of the United States; opposed to the revolution in America." [ 7 ] In France the use of the noun form 'antiaméricanisme' has been catalogued from 1948, [ 8 ] entering ordinary political language in the 1950s. [ 9 ]Interpretations
Interpretations of anti-Americanism have often been polarized. Anti-Americanism has been described by the conservative anti-Communist academic Paul Hollander as "a relentless critical impulse toward American social, economic, and political institutions, traditions, and values." [ 4 ] [ 10 ]
German newspaper publisher and political scientist Josef Joffe suggests five classic aspects of the phenomenon: reducing Americans to stereotypes, believing the United States to have an irremediably evil nature, ascribing to the U.S. establishment a vast conspiratorial power aimed at utterly dominating the globe, holding the United States responsible for all the evils in the world, and seeking to limit the influence of the United States by destroying it or by cutting oneself and one's society off from its polluting products and practices. [ 11 ] Other advocates of the significance of the term argue that anti-Americanism represents a coherent and dangerous ideological current, comparable to anti-Semitism. [ 12 ] Anti-Americanism has also been described as an attempt to frame the consequences of U.S. policy choices as evidence of a specifically American moral failure, as opposed to what may be unavoidable failures of a complicated foreign policy that comes with superpower status. [ 13 ]
Its status as an "-ism " is a greatly contended aspect, however. Brendon O'Connor notes that studies of the topic have been "patchy and impressionistic," and often one-sided attacks on anti-Americanism as an irrational position. [ 5 ] American academic Noam Chomsky. a prolific critic of U.S. policy, asserts that the use of the term within the U.S. has parallels with methods employed by totalitarian states or military dictatorships; he compares the term to "anti-Sovietism", a label used by the Kremlin to suppress dissident or critical thought, for instance. [ 14 ] [ 15 ] [ 16 ] [ 17 ]
"The concept "anti-American" is an interesting one. The counterpart is used only in totalitarian states or military dictatorships. Thus, in the old Soviet Union, dissidents were condemned as "anti-Soviet." That's a natural usage among people with deeply rooted totalitarian instincts, which identify state policy with the society, the people, the culture. In contrast, people with even the slightest concept of democracy treat such notions with ridicule and contempt. [ 18 ]
Some have attempted to recognize both positions. French academic Pierre Guerlain has argued that the term represents two very different tendencies: "One systematic or essentialist, which is a form of prejudice targeting all Americans. The other refers to the way criticisms of the United States are labeled "anti-American" by supporters of U.S. policies in an ideological bid to discredit their opponents." [ 19 ] Guerlain argues that these two "ideal types" of anti-Americanism can sometimes merge, thus making discussion of the phenomenon particularly difficult. Other scholars have suggested that a plural of anti-Americanisms, specific to country and time period, more accurately describe the phenomenon than any broad generalization. [ 20 ] The widely used "anti-American sentiment", meanwhile, less explicitly implies an ideology or belief system.
Globally, increases in perceived anti-American attitudes appear to correlate with particular policies or actions, [ 21 ] such as the Vietnam and Iraq [ 22 ] wars. For this reason, critics sometimes argue the label is a propaganda term that is used to dismiss any censure of the United States as irrational. [ 23 ]18th and 19th centuries Degeneracy thesis
Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon. a leading French naturalist, developed the "degeneracy thesis" in the mid-eighteenth century. It held that the American landmasses were inferior to Europe and in decline due to atmospheric conditions.
In the mid- to late-eighteenth century, a theory emerged among some European intellectuals that the New World landmasses were inherently inferior to Europe. The so-called "degeneracy thesis" held that climatic extremes, humidity and other atmospheric conditions in America physically weakened both men and animals. [ 24 ] :3-19 Some authors such as James W. Ceaser and Philippe Roger, have interpreted this theory as "a kind of prehistory of anti-Americanism." [ 25 ] [ 26 ] and have (in the words of Philippe Roger) been a historical “constant” since the 18th century, or again an endlessly repetitive “semantic block”. Others, like Jean-François Revel, have examined what lay hidden behind this 'fashionable' ideology. [ 27 ] Purported evidence for the idea included the smallness of American fauna, dogs that ceased to bark, and venomous plants; [ 28 ] one theory put forth was that the New World had emerged from the Biblical flood later than the Old World. [ 29 ] Native Americans were also held to be feeble, small, and without ardor. [ 30 ]
The theory originated with Comte de Buffon, a leading French naturalist, in his Histoire Naturelle (1766). [ 30 ] The French writer Voltaire joined Buffon and others in making the argument. [ 28 ] Dutchman Cornelius de Pauw. court philosopher to Frederick II of Prussia became its leading proponent. [ 25 ] While Buffon focused on the American biological environment, de Pauw attacked people native to the continent. [ 29 ]
The theory was extended to argue that the natural environment of the United States would prevent it from ever producing true culture. Paraphrasing de Pauw, the French Encyclopedist Abbé Raynal wrote, "America has not yet produced a good poet, an able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or a single science." [ 31 ] The theory was debated and rejected by early American thinkers such as Alexander Hamilton. Benjamin Franklin. and Thomas Jefferson ; Jefferson, in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1781), provided a detailed rebuttal of de Buffon. [ 25 ] Hamilton also vigorously rebuked the idea in Federalist No. 11 (1787). [ 30 ]
One critic, citing Raynal's ideas, suggests that it was specifically extended to the English colonies that would become the United States. [ 32 ]
Roger suggests that the idea of degeneracy posited a symbolic, as well as a scientific America, that would evolve beyond the original thesis. He argues that Buffon's ideas formed the root of a "stratification of negative discourses" that has recurred throughout the two countries' relationship (and has been matched by persistent anti-Gallic sentiment in the United States). [ 26 ]Culture
A 1950 Soviet propaganda poster by Nikolay Dolgorukov and Boris Efimov depicting alleged lack of freedoms in the United States. Freedom of the press is depicted as William Randolph Hearst spreading lies; Freedom of thought is depicted as judge giving a verdict for communist beliefs; Personal freedom is depicted as the lynching of blacks by the Ku Klux Klan ; Freedom of assembly is depicted as Riot control. and Freedom of speech is depicted as the Statue of Liberty with her mouth padlocked shut.
According to Brendan O'Connor, some Europeans criticized Americans for lacking "taste, grace and civility" and having a brazen and arrogant character. [ 5 ] British author Frances Trollope observed in her 1832 book Domestic Manners of the Americans that the greatest difference between England and the United States was "want of refinement.", explaining that "that polish which removes the coarser and rougher parts of our nature is unknown and undreamed of" in America. [ 33 ] [ 34 ] According to one source her account "succeeded in angering Americans more than any book written by a foreign observer before or since". [ 35 ] English writer Captain Marryat 's critical account in his Diary in America, with Remarks on Its Institutions (1839) also proved controversial, especially in Detroit where an effigy of the author, along with his books, was committed to the flames. [ 35 ] Other writers critical of American culture and manners included the bishop Talleyrand in France and Charles Dickens in England. [ 5 ] Dickens' novel Martin Chuzzlewit (1844) is a ferocious satire on American life. [ 24 ] :42
Simon Schama says: "By the end of the nineteenth century, the stereotype of the ugly American—voracious, preachy, mercenary, and bombastically chauvinist—was firmly in place in Europe." [ 36 ] O'Connor suggests that such prejudices were rooted in an idealised image of European refinement and that the notion of high European culture pitted against American vulgarity has not disappeared. [ 5 ]Politics and ideology
The young United States also faced criticism on political and ideological grounds. Ceaser argues that the Romantic strain of European thought and literature, hostile to the Enlightenment view of reason and obsessed with history and national character, disdained the rationalistic American project. The German poet Nikolaus Lenau commented: "With the expression Bodenlosigkeit (absence of ground), I think I am able to indicate the general character of all American institutions; what we call Fatherland is here only a property insurance scheme." Ceaser argues in his essay that such comments often repurposed the language of degeneracy, and the prejudice came to focus solely on the United States and not Canada and Mexico. [ 25 ] Lenau had emigrated to the United States in 1833 and found that the country did not live up to his ideals, leading him to return to Germany the following year. His experiences in the USA were the subject of a novel entitled Tired of America (Der Amerika-Müde ) (1855) by fellow German Ferdinand Kürnberger. [ 37 ]
The nature of American democracy was also questioned. The sentiment was that the country lacked "[a] monarch, aristocracy, strong traditions, official religion, or rigid class system," according to Rubin, and its democracy was attacked by some Europeans in the early nineteenth century as degraded, a travesty, and a failure. [ 34 ] The French Revolution. which was loathed by many European conservatives, also implicated the United States and the idea of creating a constitution on abstract and universal principles. [ 25 ] That the country was intended to be a bastion of liberty was also seen as fraudulent given that it had been established with slavery. [ 36 ] "How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" asked Samuel Johnson in 1775. [ 38 ] He famously stated that, "I am willing to love all mankind, except an American." [ 34 ]
Charles Dickens stated: "The heaviest blow ever dealt at liberty will be dealt by this country [America], in the failure of its example to the earth." [ 39 ]
C Lawson & J Hudson have described Ceaser's account 'extreme'. [ 40 ]20th century Fascist critiques
A 1944 Nazi propaganda poster aimed at the Dutch with the words: "The U.S.A. will save European culture from destruction"
Drawing on the ideas of Arthur de Gobineau (1816–1882), European fascists decried the supposed degenerating effect of immigration on the racial mix of the American population. The Nazi philosopher Alfred Rosenberg argued that race mixture in the United States made it inferior to countries like Germany. which had a supposedly pure-bred racial stock. [ 24 ] :91-2
Anti-Semitism was another factor in these critiques. The belief that America was ruled by a Jewish conspiracy was common in countries ruled by fascists before and during World War II. [ 24 ] :91-7 The Jews, the assumed puppet masters behind American plans for world domination, were also seen as using jazz in a crafty plan to eliminate racial distinctions. [ 24 ] :91-7 However, despite this belief, Adolf Hitler did not count America as a credible adversary of the Third Reich because of its incoherent racial mix; he saw Americans as a "mongrel race", "half-Judaised" and "half-Negrified". [ 24 ] :94-7
In an address to the Reichstag on December 11, 1941, Hitler declared war on the United States and lambasted U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt :
"He [Roosevelt] was strengthened in this [political diversion] by the circle of Jews surrounding him, who, with Old Testament-like fanaticism, believe that the United States can be the instrument for preparing another Purim for the European nations that are becoming increasingly anti-Semitic. It was the Jew, in his full Satanic vileness, who rallied around this man [Roosevelt], but to whom this man also reached out". [ 41 ]21st century 9/11
In a book called The Rise of Anti-Americanism. published in 2006, Brendon O'Connor and Martin Griffiths said that the September 11, 2001 attacks were "quintessential anti-American acts, which satisfy all of the competing definitions of Anti-Americanism." [ 42 ] They ask, "if 9/11 can be construed as the exemplar of anti-Americanism at work, does it make much sense to imply that all anti-Americans are complicit with terrorism?" [ 43 ] Leaders in most Middle Eastern countries, including Afghanistan, condemned the attacks. Saddam Hussein ’s Iraq was a notable exception, with an immediate official statement that "the American cowboys are reaping the fruit of their crimes against humanity ." [ 44 ]
Results of 2010 BBC World Service poll of
views in various countries of U.S. influence [ 45 ]
A poll conducted in 2010 [update] by the BBC World Service found positive views in most countries about the influence of the U.S. for the first time since tracking began in 2005. 19 countries rated U.S. influence positively, while six leaned negative and two were divided. 46 per cent of the 27 countries polled viewed US influence positively and 34 per cent viewed it negatively.Middle East, South Asia and North Africa
After World War I. admiration was expressed for American President Woodrow Wilson 's promulgation of democracy, freedom and self-determination in the Fourteen Points and, during World War II. the high ideals of the Atlantic Charter received favorable notice. [ 46 ]
Cultural anti-Americanism in the Middle East, however, may have its origins with Sayyid Qutb. Qutb, an Egyptian who was the leading intellectual of the Muslim Brotherhood. studied in Greeley, Colorado from 1948 to 1950, and wrote a book, The America I Have Seen (1951) based on his impressions. In it he decried everything in America from individual freedom and taste in music to Church socials and haircuts. [ 47 ] Wrote Qutb, "They danced to the tunes of the gramophone. and the dance floor was replete with tapping feet, enticing legs, arms wrapped around waists, lips pressed to lips, and chests pressed to chests. The atmosphere was full of desire. " [ 48 ] He offered a distorted chronology of American history and was disturbed by its sexually liberated women: "The American girl is well acquainted with her body's seductive capacity. She knows it lies in the face, and in expressive eyes, and thirsty lips. She knows seductiveness lies in the round breasts, the full buttocks, and in the shapely thighs, sleek legs – and she shows all this and does not hide it." [ 48 ] He was particularly disturbed by jazz, which he called the American's preferred music, and which "was created by Negroes to satisfy their love of noise and to whet their sexual desires. " [ 49 ] Qutb's writings influenced generations of militants and radicals in the Middle East who viewed America as a cultural temptress bent on overturning traditional customs and morals, especially with respect to the relations between the sexes. As Paul Hollander has written: "The most obvious and clear link between anti-Americanism and modernization is encountered in Islamic countries and other traditional societies where modernization clashes head on with entrenched traditional beliefs, institutions, and patterns of behavior, and where it challenges the very meaning of life, social relations, and religious verities. What becomes of the world when women can go to work and show large surfaces of skin to men they are not related to? In a recent case, the indignant male members of a Kurdish family in Sweden were 'provoked' by the transgressing female of their family who had the temerity to have a job and a boyfriend and dress in Western ways. She was finally killed by her father." [ 4 ]
Hollander went on to explain:
"In Arab countries and among Muslim populations, anti-Americanism is not only the monopoly of intellectuals but also a widespread disposition of the masses. In these areas, traditional religion, radical politics, and economic backwardness combine to make anti-Americanism an exceptionally widespread, virulent, and reflexive response to a wide range of collective and personal frustrations and grievances-and a welcome alternative to any collective or individual self-examination or stock-taking. More generally, it is the rise of alternatives, ushered in by modernization, that threatens traditional societies and generates anti-American reaction. The stability of traditional society (like that of modern totalitarian systems) rests on the lack of alternatives, on the lack of choice. Choice is deeply subversive-culturally, politically, psychologically. The recent outburst of murderous anti-Americanism has added a new dimension to the phenomenon, or at any rate, throws into relief the intense hatred it may encapsulate. The violence of September 11 shows that when anti-Americanism is nurtured by the kind of indignation and resentment that in [turn] is stimulated and sanctioned by religious convictions, it can become spectacularly destructive." [ 4 ]
Qutb's ideas influenced Osama Bin Laden. an anti-American Islamic militant from Saudi Arabia. who was believed to be the founder of the Jihadist organization Al-Qaeda. [ 50 ] [ 51 ] In conjunction with several other Islamic militant leaders, bin Laden issued two fatawa —in 1996 and then again in 1998 —that Muslims should kill military personnel from the United States until they withdraw military forces from Islamic countries and withdraw support for Israel. [ 52 ] [ 53 ]
After the 1996 fatwa, entitled "Declaration of War against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places", bin Laden was put on a criminal file by the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) under an American Civil War statute which forbids instigating violence and attempting to overthrow the U.S. government. [ 54 ] [ 55 ] He has also been indicted in United States federal court for his alleged involvement in the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Dar es Salaam. Tanzania and Nairobi. Kenya. and was on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list.
Bin Laden, on behalf of Al-Qaeda, has allegedly claimed responsibility for the September 11, 2001 attacks in videos released to the public. [ 56 ] [ 57 ] On 14 January 2009, bin Laden vowed to continue the fight and open up new fronts against the U.S. on behalf of the Islamic world. [ 58 ]
In 2002 and in mid-2004 Zogby International polled the favorable/unfavorable ratings of the U.S. in Saudi Arabia. Egypt. Jordan. Lebanon. Morocco. and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In Zogby's 2002 survey, 76% of Egyptians had a negative attitude toward the United States, compared with 98% in 2004. In Morocco, 61% viewed the country unfavorably in 2002, but in two years, that number had jumped to 88 percent. In Saudi Arabia, such responses rose from 87% in 2002 to 94% in 2004. Attitudes were virtually unchanged in Lebanon but improved slightly in the UAE, from 87% who said in 2002 that they disliked the United States to 73% in 2004. [ 59 ] However, most of these countries mainly objected to foreign policies that they considered unfair. [ 59 ]
According to Tamim Ansary. in Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes (2009) early views of America in the Middle East and the Muslim World were mostly positive. [ 46 ]Iran
A protester dressed as Barack Obama at the 32nd anniversary of Islamic revolution of Iran
The chant "Death to America" has been in use in Iran since at least the Iranian revolution in 1979, [ 60 ] [ 61 ] along with other phrases often represented as anti-American. A 1953 coup which involved the CIA was cited as a grievance. [ 62 ] State-sponsored murals characterised as anti-American dot the streets of Tehran. [ 63 ] [ 64 ] It has been suggested that under Ayatollah Khomeini anti-Americanism was little more than a way to distinguish between domestic supporters and detractors, and even the phrase "Great Satan" [ 65 ] which has previously been associated with anti-Americanism, appears to now signify either the United States or the United Kingdom. [ 66 ] [ 67 ]Pakistan
Anti-Americanism has risen in Pakistan as a result of U.S. drone attacks on the country introduced by George W. Bush and continued by Barack Obama. [ 68 ] [ 69 ] In a poll surveying opinions towards the United States, Pakistan scored as the most anti-American nation, jointly alongside Serbia. [ 70 ]Europe
Banner expressing anti-American sentiments in Stockholm. Sweden in 2006.
In a 2003 article, historian David Ellwood identified what he called three great roots of anti-Americanism:
He went on to say that expressions of the phenomenon in the last 60 years have contained ever-changing combinations of these elements, the configurations depending on internal crises within the groups or societies articulating them as much as anything done by American society in all its forms. [ 71 ]
In 2004, Sergio Fabbrini wrote that the perceived post-9/11 unilateralism of the 2003 invasion of Iraq fed deep rooted anti-American feeling in Europe, bringing it to the surface. In his article, he highlighted European fears surrounding the Americanization of the economy, culture and political process of Europe. [ 72 ]
In her contribution to the seminal book Anti-Americanisms in World Politics edited by Peter Katzenstein and Robert Keohane in 2006, Sophie Meunier writes about French anti-Americanism. She contends that although it has a long history (older than the U.S. itself) and is the most easily recognizable anti-Americanism in Europe, it may not have had real policy consequences on the United States and thus may have been less damaging than more pernicious and invisible anti-Americanism in other countries. [ 73 ]
Anti-war demonstration against a visit by George W. Bush to London in 2008.
During the George W. Bush administration, public opinion of America declined in most European countries. A Pew Global Attitudes Project poll showed "favorable opinions" of America between 2000 and 2006 dropping from 83% to 56% in the United Kingdom. from 62% to 39% in France. from 78% to 37% in Germany and from 50% to 23% in Spain. [ 74 ]
In Europe in 2002, vandalism of American companies was reported in Athens. Zürich. Tbilisi. Moscow and elsewhere. In Venice. 8 to 10 masked individuals claiming to be anti-globalists attacked a McDonald's restaurant. [ 75 ]
After World War II, when "American" and "liberation" were synonyms in French hearts, the Suez Crisis caused unhappiness among the French right, where there was unhappiness with the lack of American support during Dien Bien Phu ; for the French left, it was the Vietnam War and "U.S. imperialism" that were the sources of resentment. [ 76 ] Much later, the alleged weapons of mass destruction affair certainly dirtied the previously favorable image. In 2008, 85% of the French people considered the American government and banks to be most liable for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010. [ 77 ]
Following the 2008 South Ossetia War. anti-Americanism was said to have grown amongst the intellectual-political class in Russia too. [ citation needed ] In response to the conflict with Georgia, Boris Kagarlitsky said: "Ironically, one of the dominant trends here is that we are anti-American because we want to be exactly like America. We are angry that Americans are allowed to invade minor nations and we are not." [ 78 ]
In Turkey. anti-American protestors held signs saying “Obama, new president of the American imperialism that is the enemy of the world’s people, your hands are also bloody. Get out of our country.” when Barack Obama visited Turkey. [ 79 ] Protestors also shouted phrases such as "Yankee go home" and "Obama go home". [ 80 ] [ 81 ]
In Greece At the demonstration commemorating the 17th of November Uprising there is a march towards the US embassy to emphasize the US backing of the Greek military junta of 1967–1974 attended by thousands of people each year.
J. Ceaser has claimed that anti-Americanism in Europe has been an influence on Islamic terrorists, though his views have been described as 'combative'. [ 40 ]East Asia and Oceania East Asia China
Anti-American protests in Beijing. 1999
In China. there has been a history of anti-Americanism, beginning with the general disdain for foreigners in the early 19th century that culminated in the Boxer Rebellion of 1900. Later, Mao Zedong described the U.S. as a "paper tiger," occupiers of Taiwan, "the enemy of the people of the world and has increasingly isolated itself" and "monoply capitalist groups." [ 82 ] The Taiwanese Strait Crisis has led China to blame the U.S. for any issues that arise in the bilateral relationship between China and Taiwan, as they believe that American support of Taiwan is an effort to weaken their country. [ 83 ] Recently, in 2009, Luo Ping criticized America's laissez-faire capitalism and said that he hated America when the United States Treasury would start to print money and depreciate the value of the dollar. thus cheapening the value of China's purchase of U.S. bonds. [ 84 ] Chinese hackers have also conducted extensive cyberwarfare against American institutions and citizens [ 85 ] [ 86 ] [ 87 ] [ 87 ] targeting the U.S. and its Western allies. [ 88 ] [ 89 ] Furthermore, China's leaders present their country as an alternative to the meddling power of the West. [ 90 ]Japan
In Japan. objections to the behavior and presence of American military personnel are sometimes reported as anti-Americanism, such as the 1995 Okinawan rape incident. [ 91 ] [ 92 ] The ongoing U.S. military presence in Okinawa remains a contentious issue in Japan. [ 93 ]
While protests have arisen over specific incidents, they are often reflective of deeper historical resentments. Robert Hathaway, director of the Wilson Center's Asia program, suggests: "the growth of anti-American sentiment in both Japan and South Korea must be seen not simply as a response to American policies and actions, but as reflective of deeper domestic trends and developments within these Asian countries." [ 94 ] In Japan, a variety of threads have contributed to anti-Americanism in the post-war era, including pacifism on the left, nationalism on the right, and opportunistic worries over American influence in Japanese economic life. [ 95 ]South Korea
Speaking to the Wilson Center, Katherine Moon notes that while the majority of South Koreans support the American alliance "anti-Americanism also represents the collective venting of accumulated grievances that in many instances have lain hidden for decades." [ 94 ] In the 1990s Scholars, policy makers and the media noted that anti-Americanism was motivated by the rejection of authoritarianism and a resurgent nationalism, this nationalist Anti-Americanism continued into the 2000s fuelled by a number of incidents such as the ‘IMF’ crisis. [ 96 ]
"Fucking USA " is an anti-American protest song written by South Korean singer and activist Yoon Min-suk. Strongly anti-US Foreign policy and anti-Bush, the song was written in 2002 at a time when, following the Apolo Ohno Olympic controversy and an incident in which two Korean middle school students were killed under the wheels of a U.S. Army vehicle, anti-American sentiment in South Korea reached high levels. [ 97 ] However, by 2009, a majority of South Koreans were reported as having a favorable view of the United States. [ 98 ]Australia
In a poll taken by US magazine Reader's Digest with 1000 Australians, 15 per cent of Australians described themselves as "anti-American". Another 67 per cent held neutral views of America, and 17 per cent said they were "pro-American". In the survey 71 per cent of Australians said they would not like to live in the US. [ 99 ]New Zealand
Opinions of America have tumbled in New Zealand – to 29 percent of Kiwis feeling positive about the US in 2004, from 54 percent in 2001. In some ways, the trend mirrors results elsewhere. A new 15-nation poll from the Pew Research Center found double-digit declines in countries as diverse as Russia, India, and Turkey – drops that seem tied to growing pessimism about the Iraq war.Latin America
"The United States hastens the delivery of arms to the puppet governments they see as being increasingly threatened; it makes them sign pacts of dependence to legally facilitate the shipment of instruments of repression and death and of troops to use them."
In Latin America, anti-American sentiment has deep roots dating back to the 1830s and the 1836 Texas Revolution. in which the province seceded from Mexico. [ 101 ] Nine years later, encouraged by the Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny . the United States annexed the Republic of Texas —at its request, but against vehement opposition by Mexico, which refused to recognize Texas' independence—and began its aggressive expansion into Western North America. [ 102 ] :53-4, 57-8 Mexican anti-American sentiment was further inflamed by the resulting 1846-1848 Mexican-American War, in which Mexico lost more than half of its territory to the U.S. [ 102 ] :57-8 [ 103 ] The Chilean writer Francisco Bilbao predicted in America in Danger (1856) that the loss of Texas and northern Mexico to "the talons of the eagle" was just a foretaste of an American bid for world domination. [ 24 ] :104 Such interventions from the USA prompted a later ruler of Mexico, Porfirio Diaz. to lament "Poor Mexico, so far from God, and so close to the United States". [ 24 ] :104 Mexico's National Museum of Interventions. opened in 1981, is a testament to Mexico's sense of grievance with the United States. [ 24 ] :121
The 1855 American intervention in Nicaragua and the Spanish-American War of 1898, which turned Cuba into a virtual dependency of the United States, in the context of the Big Stick ideology espoused by Theodore Roosevelt 's corollary to the Monroe Doctrine that led to numerous interventions in Central America and the Caribbean, also prompted hatred of the US in other regions of the Americas. [ 104 ] A very influential formulation of Latin-American anti-Americanism, engendered by the 1898 war, was the Uruguayan journalist José Enrique Rodó 's essay Ariel (1900) in which the spiritual values of the South American Ariel are contrasted to the brutish mass-culture of the American Caliban. This essay had enormous influence throughout Spanish America in the 1910s and 1920s, and prompted resistance to what was seen as American cultural imperialism. [ 105 ] Perceived racist attitudes of the white Anglo-Saxon Protestants of the North towards the populations of Latin America also caused resentment. [ 106 ]
In the twentieth century, American support for the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état against the democratically-elected President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán fueled anti-Americanism in the region. [ 107 ] [ 108 ] [ 109 ] This CIA-sponsored coup prompted a former president of that country, Juan José Arévalo to write a fable entitled The Shark and the Sardines (1961) in which a predatory shark (representing the USA) overawes the sardines of Latin America. [ 24 ] :114
Vice-President Richard Nixon 's tour of South America in 1958 prompted a spectacular eruption of anti-Americanism. The tour became the focus of violent protests which climaxed in Caracas. Venezuela where Nixon was almost killed by a raging mob as his motorcade drove from the airport to the city. [ 110 ] In response, President Dwight D. Eisenhower assembled troops at Guantanamo Bay and a fleet of battleships in the Caribbean to intervene to save Nixon if necessary. [ 111 ] :826-34
Fidel Castro. the revolutionary leader of Cuba. has throughout his career tried to co-ordinate long-standing Latin American resentments against the USA through military and propagandist means. [ 112 ] [ 113 ] He was aided in this goal by the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba in 1961, planned and implemented by the American government against his regime. This disaster ruined American credibility in the Americas and gave a boost to her critics worldwide. [ 111 ] :893-907 According to Rubin and Rubin, Castro's Second Declaration of Havana, in February 1962, "constituted a declaration of war on the United States and the enshrinement of a new theory of anti-Americanism". [ 24 ] :115 Castro called America "a vulture. feeding on humanity" [ 111 ] :862 The United States embargo against Cuba maintained resentment and Castro's colleague, the famed revolutionary Che Guevara. expressed his hopes during the Vietnam War of "creating a Second or a Third Vietnam" in the Latin American region against the designs of what he believed to be US imperialism. [ 114 ]
Immigrant rights march for amnesty in downtown Los Angeles, California on May Day, 2006.
The 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, the invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965, US involvement in Operation Condor. the 1973 Chilean and 1976 Argentine Coup d'états. and the Salvadoran Civil War. the support of the Contras. the training of terrorists and war criminals in the School of the Americas and the refusal to extradite a terrorist. U.S. support for dictators such as Augusto Pinochet. Anastasio Somoza. Alfredo Stroessner and pre-1989 Manuel Noriega have continued to influence regional attitudes in a negative way. [ 115 ] [ 107 ] [ 108 ] [ 109 ]
The perceived failures of the neo-liberal reforms of the 1980s and the 1990s intensified opposition to the Washington consensus. [ 116 ] leading to a resurgence in support for Pan-Americanism. support for popular movements in the region, the nationalization of key industries and centralization of government. [ 117 ] America's tightening of the economic embargo on Cuba in 1996 and 2004 also caused resentment among Latin American leaders and has prompted them to use the Rio Group and the Madrid-based Ibero-American Summits as meeting places rather than the American dominated OAS. [ 118 ] This trend has been reinforced through the creation of a series of regional political bodies such as Unasur and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. and a strong opposition to the materialization of the Washington-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas at the 2005 4th Summit of the Americas .
Furthermore, the renewal of the concession for the U.S. military base in Manta. Ecuador was met by considerable criticism, derision, and even doubt by the supporters of such an expansion. [ 119 ] The near-war sparked by the 2008 Andean diplomatic crisis was expressed by a high-level Ecuadorean military officer as being carried under American auspices. The officer said "a large proportion of senior officers," share "the conviction that the United States was an accomplice in the attack" (launched on by the Colombian military on a FARC camp in Ecuador, near the Colombian border). [ 120 ] The Ecuadorean military retaliated by stating the 10-year lease on the base, which expired in November 2009, would not be renewed and that the U.S. military presence was expected to be scaled down starting three months before the expiry. [ 121 ]Canada
Anti-Americanism in Canada has unique historic roots. When the Continental Congress was called in 1774, an invitation was sent to Quebec (also called Canada) and Nova Scotia. However Canadians expressed little interest in joining the Congress, and the following year the American army invaded Canada, but was defeated at the Battle of Quebec. Although the American Articles of Confederation later pre-approved Canada as a U.S. state, public opinion had turned against them. Soon 40,000 loyalist refugees arrived from the United States, including 2,000 Black Loyalists, many of whom had fought for the Crown against the American Revolution. To them the republic they left behind was violent and anarchic, ruled by money and mob rule. [ 122 ]
Brendon O'Connor & Martin Griffiths state in their book Anti-Americanism that they would at first glance think that Canadians seem as likely as others to embrace characteristics that are characterised as anti-American. O'Conner and Griffiths include such actions as criticising Americans as a people, or the US as a country as being anti-American often demonising, denigrating and resorting to stereotypes. They have also written that the Anti-Americanism found in Canada had unique qualities, nowhere else has it been so entrenched for so long, nor so central to the political culture as in Canada. [ citation needed ] Canadian historian Kim Richard Nossal thinks that a low level attenuated form of anti-Americanism permeates Canadian political culture, though "designed primarily as a means to differentiate Canadians from Americans." [ 123 ] Although J.L Granatstien has suggested that Anti-Americanism was dead in Canada, John Herd Thompson and Stephen J. Randall in their book Canada and the United States (2002) states that there is anecdotal evidence that it still flourishes, and that it continues to nourish the Canadian sense of identity. [ 124 ] It does help Canadians differentiate themselves from Americans, but it is also directly correlated to American anti-Canadianism. [ citation needed ]See also
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